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4 



A BRIEF MEMOIR 



OP THE 



LIFE, AND REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES, 



OF 



MAJOR WILLIAM HAZZARD WIGG, 

OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 



ILLUSTRATITE OF THE CLAIM, FOR INDEMNIFICATION, UPON 

THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES FOB THE 

PLUNDER, AND DESTRaCTION OF HIS PROPKRTY, 

DURING THE WAR, BY BRITISH TROOPS. 




Prepared by the Clalpiant, for the use of Committees of Congress. 



WASHINGTON: 

C. ALEXANDER, PRINTER, 

1S60. 



n 



iOh 



/__ X- li/ vv 



INTRODUCTORY. 



Up to the latest moment of time, which the convenience of 
the publisher and the necessity of publishing permitted, the 
Memorialist fostered the hope and expectation, of receiving a 
preface, from the pen of W. Gilmore Simms, Esq., L. L. D., 
the historian of South Carolina. The foundation of this hope, 
rested upon the following extract from a private letter, which he 
had the honor of receiving from that distinguished writer and gen- 
tleman, under date of the 24th of August last : — 

" Believe me, my dear sir, I should be most happy to assist 
you in your effort, and quite pleased to revise your memoir — 
provided you are willing to wait on me. But I am now driven 
by my publishers ; and engaged in revising, and rewriting, my 
History of South Carolina, which we must have printed by the 
first of October: and am busy besides, in contributions to the 
American Cyclopaedia, which cannot wait when the alphabet calls. 
If you will take your chance, and can wait, I will cheerfully 
examine and revise your manuscript. Should you need illus- 
tration of any one point, I may suggest the clue." 

Fresh from the field of his professional labor, Mr. Simms, 
is eminently and particularly well qualified to decide all 
questions relating to the Revolutionary policy, and practice 
of his native State; and hence, the extreme desire of the 
Mem9ria]ist, to make use of his valuable services. Availing 
himself, therefore, of this friendly, and courteous permission, 
he forwarded to Mr. Simms, the proof sheets, as soon as they 
could be made ready ; but he regrets to say, that up to this time, 
(the latest to which the press-work can be delayed,) he has re- 
ceived no communication in reply ; and is constrained to believe, 
that uncontrolable circumstances have occurred, to defeat the 
generous, and friendly intentions so promptly expressed ; and 
to disappoint the earnest wishes of the Memorialist, who is 
fully sensible of the great weight, which would have been added 
to his narrative, from an endorsement of its historical fidelity by 
such high authority. He possesses the satisfaction, however, 
of being able to present the opinion of Mr. Simms, taken 
from another letter of the date of the 12th of November last, 
upon the point, whether or not the discrimination^ between the 
Continental, and the Militia officers, which is alleged, in the 
course of this memoir, to have existed under the treaty for the 
capitulation of the city of Charleston in 1780, is an established 
fact of history ? Mr. Simms says, in the extract alluded to : — 
" The different treatment of Continentals, or Regulars, and that 
of the Partizan Militia, was proverbial," 



IV 

The important bearing of this fact, upon the theory, which 
it is the design of this memoir to establish, as the foundation of 
the validity of the claim, based upon it, cannot be overstated ; 
and consequently, it is a cause of congratulation to the Memorial- 
ist, that the evidences on that point, previously adduced in 
the text, is now reinforced so clearly, and conclusively, and by 
such high authority. In this connection it cannot be too strenu- 
ously insisted upon, or too often repeated, that the unlawful 
discrimination between classes of the besieged army of 
Charleston, in 1780, directly and indirectly, led to con- 
sequences which produced not only the pecuniary misfortune, 
and personal sufferings of the subject of this memoir, but also 
involved in destruction the lives, of a large class of as bi-ave men, 
and as illustrious patriots, as any, who were engaged in the 
achievement of the Independence of the United States. 

It is perhaps an oversight in the compilation of this memoir, that 
the hardships, privations, and persecutions, leading to death in 
such a large number of cases, was not longer dwelt upon, and 
painted in stronger colors, for, such treatment of prisoners is cer- 
tainly without a parallel, in the history of the Revolution, or of 
modern warfare. The wanton exposure of prisoners of war, 
entitled to parole and protection, under the sacred guaranty of 
a treaty of capitulation, to the infection of the small pox,* as 
a means of seducing them from their allegiance to their country, 
involves ideas of turpitude and barbarity, on the part of the 
British Nation, scarcely credible. Yet, such exposure is attested 
upon highest authority ; while in another instance, one Captain 
Bocquet,! having the yellow fever upon him, was placed in a 
small open boat, by himself, and anchored in the river-^, and 
there forced to remain, entirely exposed, from the rising to the 
setting of the sun upon a summer day, in that low latitude. 

The Memorialist cannot part from his work, (which, brief as 
it is, has occupied so much time, and occasioned to him 
such labor, and anxiety,) without reluctance. Yet, he 
commits it to its fortune, with the consciousness, that in its 
compilation, he has sedulously striven after the attainment 
of truth ; and it only. That he is the representative of a clear, 
a just, a lawful, and an honorable claim upon the Govern- 
ment of the United States, he unwaveringly believes ; and that 
belief stimulates him to expend all the energies of his mind, 
upon the diligent pursuit of it to the end, as the noblest labor 
of his life. 

i W. H. W. 



•Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Carolina, vol. 
2, page 530. 

t Ibid, page 534. 



MEMOIR. 



Inservio virtutis arvorum praemium. 



Major William Hazzard Wigg, the subject of this 
memoir, and the grandsire of the memorialist, was born in the 
town of Beaufort, in the then colony of South Carolina, on the 
24th of November, in the year 1746. His ancestors emigrated 
from England, amongst the earliest settlers of the country. 

At the commencement of the Revolutionary struggle, Major 
Wigg, then in the prime of life, received the commission of a 
captain of cavalry, in the militia service of South Carolina. He 
enjoyed all the advantages of talents, education, Ibrttine, and 
social position which were requisite to give weight and in- 
fluence to his services in the cause which he had embraced. 
He entered upon the war with characteristic energy, and dis- 
charged the various duties of his position with zeal, fidelity, 
and devotion. 

The first military service of any magnitude, upon which it is 
known he \vas engaged, was under General Howe, of North 
Carolina, who, in the summer of 1778, led the disasterous ex- 
pedition of the Southern Army into the territory of East Florida, 
whence less than a third part of his brave troops ever returned. 

In the next year, we find him serving under General Lincoln, 
upon the Savannah River. He was also present at the battle 
(or, more properly skirmish,) of Coosahatchie, (or Tulifinni, 
as it is sometimes called :) at the battle of Stono : at the siege 
of Savannah ; and finally, at the siege of the City of Charles- 
ton, which capitulated to the enemy on the 12th of May, 1780, 
where his military services in the field were concluded ; for 
upon that occasion, he was surrendered, together with the 



•whole of the American Army, prisoners of war ; in which con- 
dition he remained, varied only in manner, as will be hereafter 
related, until triumph finally crowned the heroic struggle of the 
Colonies. 

Besides these several services,* which of themselves, judging 
from their respective dates and localities, must have kept Major 
Wigg continuously employed, from the commencement of the 
war up to the period of his captivity, he is believed to have 
taken part in many, if not all, of the numerous conflicts that 
occurred upon the seaboard of South Carolina, and which has 
given a distinctive character to the war into which the country 
was plunged. The long line of undefended southern sea coast, 
in both of the Anglo-American wars, afforded advantages to 
the assailants, which, in neither, were neglected: — hence the 
large number of, (so to speak,) amphibious affairs, or battles, 
partly upon land, and partly upon the water, which charac- 
terized both of those wars. 

One of the most remarkable of such conflicts, was the aquatic 
expedition of a party of landsmen, fitted out jointly by citizens 
of Beaufort and Savannah, having for its object the capture of 
a ship laden with gunpowder, and destined for the use of the 
enemy at the latter place. The expedition encountered the ship 
at sea, just beyond the bar of the Savannah river, and was fully 
successful in its object. A portion of the gunpowder then cap- 
tured, is believed to have been the same which was subse- 
quently forwarded to Boston, and expended by the Americans 
at the battle of Bunker's Hill.f 

Major Wigg is traditionally represented, (unfortunately the 
fame of South Carolina Revolutionary heroes depends, mainly, 
upon narratives of tradition,) as having been one of the bravest 



* See Appendix, note 1. 

fThe Carolinians, on the occasion, were commanded by 
Captains Barnwell and Joyner, and the Georgians by Captains 
Brown and Joseph Habersham. The vessel in sight proved to 
be a ship homeward bound, commanded by Captain Montague, 
and no sooner was the Colonial schooner discovered, than, 
guessing the design, the ship tacked and stood to sea. The 
schooner, however, pursued, and brought her to, and with the 
assistance of the Carolina party and their barges, boarded her 
and secured their prize. * * * * Jn the distribution of 
the powder, Carolina obtained about 7,000 pounds and Georgia 
about 9,000 pounds. — Drayton^s Memoirs, vol. 2, page 271. 



of men ; and he Is also remembered as one of the most 
impulsive, uncompromisino^, and self-sacrificing, patriots of 
the illustrious age in which he lived. The love of country, 
was one of the cherished sentiments of his mind, and the 
achievement of the freedom, and independence of his country 
was, in his estimation, the great mission of his life: — hence, no 
sacrifices could deter, no labors could discourage, and no dangers 
could dismay him. He freely periled life and fortune upon the 
cause of his affections, and joyfully met the hazard which 
brought success to it, although attended by fatal consequences 
to himself.^ 

At the battle of Coosahatchie, it is related, upon the authority 
of the historian. Garden,* that Major Wigg saved the life of the 
wounded American commander, Colonel John Laurens, (the 
same whose portrait, at the side of that of Alexander Hamilton, 
now adorns the rotunda of the Capitol,) by bearing him to a 
place of safety in the rear ; and in tradition, it is further related 
of him, that upon returning to the field of battle, he met the 
American troops upon the retreat. From them he learned that 
the enemy were victorious : — were then advancing : — had made 
several prisoners, and that amongst the number was a near 
relative, and highly valued personal friend of his own. 

Upon receiving this intelligence. Major Wigg immediately 
resolved to attem.pt the rescue of his friend. For this purpose 
he selected a suitable place, at the side of the high way over 
which the enemy would be compelled to pass, and placing him- 
self in ambush, he quietly awaited the coming up of the British 
Army, consisting of four thousand troops, and a body of Indian, 
and Tory allies, under General Provost, destined for an 
assault upon Charleston.! Allowing the advance guard to 
pass by, as soon as the prisoners came up in front of his 

* At Coosahatchie, in defending the pass, with a handful of 
men against the whole force of Provost's army, he was again 
wounded, and probably indebted to the gallantry of Captain 
Wigg for the preservation of his life.- -Garden^ s Anecdotes^ 
article, Laurens, Series 1. 

t Battle of Coosahatchie * * * May 5th, 1779, * * * 
Enemy 4,000, * * * under General Provost, * * * 
Americans, a few Continentals, * * and a small body of 
militia, * * Lieut. Col. John Laurens, commanding, * * 
to check the enemy at the river, * * Laurens wounded. — 
JYotesfrom Moultrie^ s Memoirs, vol. I, page 407. 



■p'-^re n^ concpnlment, he sino;led out his relative, dashed 
Mil leiily iiilo the iiiii)>t of them, seized iiiin, })laced him 
nj)oi tie sailille l>efnre lii-n, mul escaped, under cover of the 
eveiiiDLj twilig^ht. into the (Jeeper shade of the adjacent swamp, 
rnlldW'ed by the harmless voiHes ol the startled, and amazed 
guards. 

This memoir might be extended indefinitely, with such remi-. 
nisce.'ites, but tlie tiesign of the narrative is conciseness, 
while brevity, is a ooiitrolin^ necessity. Hence, one other 
anecd'iie, of like n;iture to the one just related, shall 
su H'-f.^It is related of M ijor VVig<i, th^it on another occa- 
sh), , while the bearer of desp.itciies, upon arriving at the public 
ferry on the Port Koyal River, he found at hand no means of 
crossing, but sooner than submit to any delay upon his im- 
portant errand, he swam over on horseback. The Port Royal 
River is a deep, rapid and turbulent arm of the ocean, where 
the swiftness of the current, ami the ferocity of the terrible shark, 
have proved sulfiident, in all time past, to deter every other 
man from the same fearful exploit.* 



*I have heard the tradition in relation to Major Wigg's 
having rescued a friend, or relative, from the British foices 
during the Revohitimary war, who had been taken prisoner at 
the battle of Coosahatchie. John Colcock. 

Charleston, Oct. 28, 1859. 

Also — 

Beaufort, S. C, Oct. 29, 1859. 
DiCAR Sir: — T received yours some time since, and would 
have replied before but for the following reason : I had an in- 
terview with Joe, and endeavored to obtain from him the infor- 
mation necessary, but all that could be got from him was, that 
his old master, he always heard, was very brave, and that he 
perfornied several daring feats during the war. He could re- 
collect nothing as to any particular act ; nor anything regarding 
the rescue of J\Ir. Cuthbert. So that, finding he could testify 
to no tradition, relative to him (Mr. ('.,) I determined to wait 
before replying to your letter, in order to enquire further. I 
learn from Mr. G. B. Cuthbert, that the tradition in his family 
(the circumstances of which he has often heard his grandmother 
relate,) is to this efTect, that during the war Major Wigg swam 
his horse over Port Royal Ferry, and single-handed rescued 
from a party of British one Colonel Laurence, (or L-iiirens,) who 
was a most intimate fri#id of Major W., and escaped, through 
a heavy fire, to the Ameiicaa <^mp. Mr. C. is positive that 



These traditional remini<;cences of Major Wigg"*? character- 
istic daring and intrepidity, are introduf^erl into this memoir, 
for the purpose of illustrating that he was habitually, in- 
fluenced by a reckless contempt of danger, no matter in what 
form appearing, and by the loftiest instincts, of a brave, gener- 
ous, and chivalrous disposition. 

The rescue, single-handed, during the hours of day-time, of 
a prisoner, out of the heart of a victorious army, while upon its 
march, and consequently prepared for all surprises, and to bear 
him off in triumph, and unscathed, from under the very muzzles 
of their muskets, is unquestionably an action of successful 
temerity, scarcely realizable, and unsurpassed by any of the 
romantic legends of that eventful war. 

In the year 1780, the fourth year of the Revolution, it 
is well known to readers of history, that the zeal with 
which the conflict had beeti waged, on the part of the 
Americans, up to that period, had sensibly diininiNhed, all 
over the confederacy, under the pressure of adverse circnin- 
stances, and the severe disasters which had iatteily ait; nded 
their arms. As well at the North, as at the Soutli, ttic face 
of affairs wore the same glooiny, and inauspicious fore- 
shadowings of the future. All their late military entcrprizes 
had been attended with disaster, or equivocal advantages only; 
while the inability of Congress any longer to supply the sinews 
of war, or to mitigate the public embarra'<sments, seemed 
ominous of evil. At the South especially, (which had now, 
in its turn, been made the point of concentrated attack,) the 
failure, of the combined Franco- American forces, to expel the 
enemy from their stronghold at Savannah, had served to emas- 



the prisoner was Laurence. However, from that and other 
statements, [ have no doubt of the tradition existing, that there 
was a rescue made by M ijor Wiggf, sinsrle-handed, of a prisoner 
in the hands of the British (either Cuthbert, or Laurence,) uider 
circumstances requiring the utmost bravery and coolness. I 
have been at some pains to inquire into this, and believe that, 
as I said before, the tradition does exist. 

Yours, very respectfully, W. J. D'Trevili.e. 
P. S. — Dear Sir: I regret that I could not get any more in- 
formatinn than the above: — have questioned several of the 
oldest inhabitants about Major VVigir, but have only heard that 
he was a very brave man, arxl disiitiG^uished himself in the war, 
but no particular actions except as above. W. J. D'T. 



6 

dilate the energies of the people, and measurably, to quell the 
moral power of resistance. 

It was at this particular juncture of affairs when Sir Henry 
Clinton,* at the head of one of the most numerous, and best ap- 
pointed armies which had ever displayed its colors upon this 
continent, debarked within thirty miles of Charleston, and pro- 
ceeded to lay siege to that vulnerable city. 

In the emergency of the moment, John Rutledge, the Gov- 
ernor and Dictator,! finding the State thrown entirely 
upon her own resources to repel the invasion, issued his proc- 
lamation, commanding the whole force of the militia to repair to 
the city for its defence. This command a large number of the 
people, disheartened by late reverses, doubtful of the policy of 
exhausting the already impaired resources of the State, in the 
defence of a single point, and for other reasons ably discussed, 
and explained by Mr. Simms in his recent history of the State,! 
were not disposed to obey, but were intent rather upon private 
measures of defence, and safety, than upon making preparations 
to carry on, what was so generally considered, an ill-advised 
siege. Happily, there was a class of her sons of a different 



* The Royal Army destined for the reduction of Charleston, 
embarked at New York on the 26th of December, 1779. They 
had a tedious and a difficult passage, in which they sustained 
great damage. This, with touching at Savannah, made it as 
late as the 11th of February, 1780, before they landed at a dis- 
tance of thirty miles from Charleston. — Rajnsay^s Hist. Rev. in 
S. a, vol. 2, pp. 47-48. 

t See Appendix, note 2. 

I History of South Carolina, by William Gilmore Simms, New 
York, 1860, page 242. 

Mr. Simms, in his recent history, has corrected some of the 
errors of the preceding historians, by explaining very clearly, 
and reasonably the causes which produced the backwardness of 
the people in coming to the defence of Charleston in 1780. 
Amongst other reasons, he says "they were unwilling to leave 
their plantations unprotected, and have always been particularly 
averse to being cooped up in a besieged town at a season of 
the year when the seaboard cities are particularly liable to 
deseases. They dreaded the small-pox and yellow fever with 
a mortal apprehension." The memorialist regrets that the late 
publication of this valuable, and interesting work, which goes 
far to supply the deficiencies of South Carolina history, de- 
prived him of the earlier use of it. — W. H, W. 



7 

temper. These brave men, whose bosoms, burning with Ihe fires 
of patriotism, and whose ambition, restricted to the single 
object of independence, knew no alternative but triumph, or the 
embrace of death. This class flocked to the scene of honor 
and danger, unseduced by the flattering proclamations of the 
enemy, (which held out to them peace, and safety under 
the Royal banner,) and unappalled by gathering perils. 
Leaving all that was dear to them, their wives, their children, 
and their property, far behind them, in their unprotected 
country homes, under the stewardship of their slaves, with 
minds alive to the full perils of their situation, they hastened 
to the city, to encounter, in unequal strife, the haughty co- 
horts of the foe. History has been unfaithful to the memory of 
these brave men, and posterity, ignorant of their virtues, has 
exhibited no just appreciation of the high example, which they 
have bequeathed to mankind. Nor to them only, but also to 
the land of their birth, has injustice been done, in the great 
tribunal of history; for while the unhallowed tongue of slander, 
in late years, has ruthlessly assailed the Revolutionary fame 
of South Carolina, the facts of her career, truly and fully elicited, 
will show, that no one of the Old Thirteen Colonies performed 
better, or suffered more severely, in the war of the Revolution, 
than herself.* From causes easily understood, Irom first to last, 
her Tories, in numbers, in wealth, and in influence, were nearly, 
or quite, the equals of her Whig, or Patriot citizens. Hence, 
there was an unrelaxed, and a ferocious war waged between 
these two factions, which was far more bitter and exhausting, 
than was experienced in any of the other States. Their 
battlefields cover over her territory, and to this day, every 
ancient landmark, has its romantic legend of blood and violence. 
Her Tories moved not about stealthily, in the hours of 
darkness, like the Tories of other States, but they banded to- 
gether in large, organized, and disciplined bodies, and iBarched, 
and countermarched, with banners streaming, and in the broad 
glare of the sun. The " Bloody Scouts," were the equals of 
any similar troops which ever existed ; while her Robinsons, 
her McGirths, and her Cunninghams have left behind, a terrible 



* It has been computed by good judges, that between the year 
1775 and 178J, the State of South Carolina was deprived of 
negroes to the amount of twenty-five thousand. — Ramsay'' s Hist. 
Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, page 384- 



8 

and a bloorly fame. The foreign foe, was ever the feeblest 
enerny, with whom, the Revolutionary Patriots of South Caro- 
lina had to contend.* 

This chiss of men — the Country Militia — who so readily and 
cheerfully repaired to the city for its defence, at the period of 
which we are speaking, had nothing to gain to themselves, 
but every thing to lose. It was in the darkest hour of the 
Revolution, and at a time when the general lukewarmness 
of the people rendered obedience to the proclamation of the 
the Dictator, less easy, and far more dangerous, than disobedi- 
ence would have been. Yet they came, willingly, readily, 
and recklessly came, under the sole promptings, of exalted 
sentiments of patriotism. Of this Spartan band, of whom we 
are speaking, the subject of this memoir was one individual. 

Making such provision for the safety of his family, and the 
preservation of his property, as circumstances permitted, 
(bat which the sequel will show was wholly inadequate,) he 
manfully girded on his sword, and hastened to his post. He 
left his wife and children, in the enjoyment of aflluence and 
comfort. When next he embraced them, after years of toil and 
hardships, they were in poverty and distress. He left his broad 
fields, teeming under the nursing of his judicious care. He 
never more beheld them wilh mortal eyes, save only the rem- 
nant thereof, whi('h man's rapacity could not distrain. He 
came to the city, a single-handed volunteer, attended only by 
one faithful servant. In that season of profound despondency, 
he found himself powerless to persuade those^ whom he had 



* In consequence of these civil wars between the Whii^s and 
Tories — the incursions of the savages, and the other calamities 
resulting from the operations of the British and American 
armies. South Carolina exhibited scenes of distress wliich were 
shocking to humanity. * * Mr. Tonyn, Governor of the 
last mentioned province, granted a commission to a horse-thief 
of the name of McGirth, who, at the head of a party, had for 
several years harras^ed the inhabitants of South Carolina and 
Georgia. — Ramsay'^s Hist, Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, pp. 275-277. 

Also — 

Among the most active of these parties was the "Bloody 
Scouts," under the notorious " Bill Cunningham." They 
hovered around the American camp like vultures, and picked 
offparties iu deiail. — Losslng\' Field Book, (Congress Library^) 
vol. 2, page 692. 



often before, commanded to follow. He found his influence 
with his friends and neighbors, insufficient to break the fetters, 
which doubtSj and despondency, had fastened upon their minds. 

Attended only by his servant,* {Robin, the faithful slave, who 
was the companion of all of his Revolutionary daui^ers and es- 
capes,) he arrived in the city, and forthwith, at the side of Robin, 
by day and by night, in the midst of the missiles of death, he 
toiled, with mattock and spade, upon the earthworks of defence, 
— those broad mounds, and deep trenches, which remain to this 
hour, the honorable monuments of the hardy enterprise, and pa- 
tient labors, of the chivalry of South (^arolina, " in the times 
which tried men's souls." 

The siege of the city progressed, during several weeks, at- 
tended with all the varying vicissitudes of war, until at length 
proposals tor surrender were tendered, discussed with the usual 
formalities, and finally agreed upon by the respect ivf bellige- 
rents. 

It is not now precisely known, what share was allowed, in 
the discussions which preceded the acceptance of the terms of 
the capitulation, to that class of the besieged which was com- 
posed of the Vulu7iteers, or Country Militia, whose footsteps we 
have thus far followed, and who will hereafter occupvso prom- 
inent a place in these pages. But it may be reasonably con- 
jectured, from their well known character, that if tht^y had been 
permitted, in any measure, to control events, they would have 
taken better care of their own interests, than to have allowed 
the possibility of the evils to exist, which the surrender precipi- 
tated, in the fullness of time, upon their heads. They would have 
insisted upon reliable safe-guards, or otherwise they would have 
embraced the alternative, of cutting their way out of the city, 

* It was the custom of Southern Planters to take their body 
servant with them into battle. Under the old Colonial system, 
the soldiers were required to carry with them a contingent of 
negro slaves. When Marion joined, or prepared to join Gates, 
before Camden, a proportion of his force was negroes, the body 
servants of their masters. — Extract of a private letter fro'in W. 
Gilmore SimmeSj LL. £)., to the Memorialist. 

Also— 

The garrison was assiduous in preparing for defence. The 
works that had been thrown up, in the sprins: of the year 1779, 
were strengthened and extended. — Ramiay''s Hist. Rev. in S. 
C, vol, 2, page 49. 



10 

or of pprishing beneath the ruins, which they could no longer 
defend.* 

These VolunteerSy or Country Militia, as has been already 
intimated, were the flower of the State, and the representatives 
of her embodied spirit and patriotism ; and this fact was well 
understood by the enemy. Hence, the possession of this 
class of men^ as prisoners, was an object of great importance 
to them, for it would be placing in their hands the strings 
of the rebellion, whereby they reasonably calculated they would 
be able to crush it out. 

The city of Charleston, under a Treaty of Capitulation, was 
formally surrendered, and its gates thrown open to the hostile 
army, on the 12th of May 1780. Under this treaty, all of the 
besieged, without exceptions, were surrendered prisoners 
of war. 

The fall of Charleston, in May 1780, was followed in the 
month of August of the same year, by the defeat of General 
Gates at Camden. These two, rapidly succeeding misfortunes, 
smote upon the minds of the people of South Carolina, and of 
the Confederacy at large, with terrible force. The first, paralized 
the energies of the Confederacy, while the last, annihilated for a 
time, the hope of independence. To recruit another army at the 
South, at that time, was believed to be a work of difficult ac- 



* At length the lines of defence being almost entirely de- 
molished by an incessant bombardment and cannonade, the 
besieged were reduced to the last extremity, and being in hourly 
expectation of an assault, it was agreed between General Lin- 
coln and the principal inhabitants, that the town and garrison 
should be surrendered by capitulation. — Thatcher^s Military 
Journal, page 238, (Congress Library.) 

Also— 

The measure of petitioning received its first and warmest sup- 
port from the disaffected, to whom all capitulations were equal, 
as they meant to become British subjects. These had the 
address to strengthen themselves by the tiinid, and even by 
some of the bravest citizens, who believed that further resist- 
ance was vain. — Ramsay'' s Hist. Rev. in S. C.,iwl. 2, pp. 58-59. 

JYote. — These two quotations from history, leave the un- 
avoidable inference, which is drawn in the text, that the coun- 
try volunteers had little or no share in the councils of the be- 
sieged, but that the whole arrangement was in the hands of 
" General Lincoln and the principal inhabitants," — including, 
of course, the disaflfected. — W. H. W. . 



11 

coraplishment, while the sending of another by Congress was 
known to be not less so.* 

It was in view of this situation of affairs, that Sir Henry 
Clinton, the Royal Commander-in-chief at the South, for- 
warded his congratulations to His Majesty's Ministers, 
upon the early, and certain suppression of the rebellion of the 
Colonies. Of South Carolina, in particular, he said, that she 
had again become English, and had returned to her duty to her 
Sovereign. That every prominent inhabitant of the Province, 
had either been transported out of the country, was a prisoner 
of war, or was in arras under the Royal flag, — and concluded 
by recommending the sending out of a Royal Governor, and 
the re-establishment of the civil power of the Crown. f 

It may be observed in passing, that these anticipations, and 
congratulations of the British general, were however, made 
upon insufficient warrant, for at no period of the war was the 
State ever in the condition represented ; for although over- 
whelmed, and sorely pressed, so long as her gallant partizans 
were in the field — her Marions, Sumpters, and Pickenses — it 
could not be justly said either, that she was reconquered, or that 
she had returned to her duty to the Crown. Cotemporaneously 
with this temporary triumph of the royal arms at the South, it 
has already been stated, that matters at the North, were not less 
discouraging to the friends of freedom. But while upon the 
one theatre, these evils were the legitimate consequences of 
sieges and battles, upon the other, they were brought about, 
by other, and more reprehensible causes. 

The privations of the Armies, arising from the inability of 
Congress to raise supplies, were endured at the South with 



* The loss of Charleston, and the capture of an army within 
its lines, had reduced American affairs in South Carolina low ; 
but the complete rout of a second army, procured with great 
difficulty for the recovery of the State, sunk them much lower, 
and filled the friends of independence with fearful anxiety for 
the future fate of their country. — Ramsay^s Hist. Rev. in S\C.j 
vol 2, page 154. 

f General Clinton wrote to London that South Carolina was 
again English, and that there were few men in the Province 
who were not prisoner to, or in arms with the British forces. 
But he was perfectly aware the conquest he owed to his arms 
could not be preserved but by the entire re-establishment of the 
civil administration. — Botta's American War, Book xii,page 147. 



12 

stoical fortitude,* while at the North, they unhappily led to 
mutiny, and rebellion, which fortunately, the genius of Wash- 
ington enabled him to quell, before any great head had been 
gained ; but it was beyond his power to arrest its demor- 
alizing tendency. Nor was this misfortune, the only one, 
which befel the Northern Army at this period; for it was 
shortly followed by the odious treason of Benedict Arnold. 
One of the disastrous consequences of this treason, was the 
mutual distrust and suspicion, with which it filled the minds of 
the officers exposed to it. No one knew whom to trust, and, 
consequently, jealousies, and animosities were unavoidable. To 
so great an extent did these feelings prevail, that for a time, the 
army was rendered '■hors de cnmhut^^ and the hope of independ- 
ence waxed faint rind low ; so that the hearts of the stoutest simk 
within them, while the minds of the most sanguine, wavered at 
the issue. Even the iron soul of Washington himself, could 
not resist the contagion, and gloomy forebodings tincture all 
his correspondence of the period. 

Ill the inonth of September 1780, it will be remembered by 
readers of history, that one of the overt consequences of the 
treason of Arnold, was the arrest of Major Andre, of the Royal 
Army, as a spy, (confederated with the traitor) and his execution, 
which took place a few days later. After the conviction of 
Anil re, the British commander-in-chief at the North, Lord Howe, 
resorted to every means in his power, to save the unfortunate 
officer, from the penalty which he had incurred. To this end, 
as a last resort, he proposed to Washington the appointment of 
Commissioners to discuss the subject. Washington readily 
assented, and appoiuted General Greene, to meet General 
Robertson, who had been sent by Lord Howe for the pur- 
pose. These officers had their interview at Dobb's Ferry, f 

* (Extract of a letter from Baron De Kalb to the Chevalier de 
la Luzerne, French Minister Plenipotentiary, dated August 15, 
1780 :) " You may judge of the virtues of our small army from 
the following fact : we have for several days lived on nothing 
but peaches, and I have not heard a complaint. There has 
been no desertion." — Ramsay'^s Hist. Rer. in S. C.,vol. 2, p. 139. 

f He sent General Greene to Dobb's Eerry, where he was 
met by G'^neral Robertson on the part of the English. * * 
Finally, General Robertson presented a letter from Arnfl I, di- 
rected to Washington. * * He did not retire till after threat- 
ening the most terrible retaliation. — Botta^s American War, Book 
xiij pp. 232-233. 



13 

on the banks of the Hudson. After General Robertson had 
unavailingly exhausted all the arguments at his command, 
and saw thfrt. the doom of the hapless otHcer was fixed, he 
changed his lone, and resorted to the use of threats. He 
threatened that, in case Andre perished, his death should be 
atoned for by retaliation, which would inevitably lead 
to the sacrifice of many valuable lives upon both sides, and 
give a feature of shocking barbarity, to the character of the 
war. Finally, upon taking his leave, he placed in Genera! 
Greene's hand a letter, addressed to Wa>hington, by Arnold. 
The traitor, anticipating the fruiilessness of the coininis>ion, in 
veliemcnt language, not only repeated the threats ot' General 
Robertson, but he went a step further, and pointed out p'orty 
particular individuals, who should be held as the victims of re- 
taliation, in case Andre perished. That is to say, he informed 
Washington that there were ''forty GENrLEMEN, inhabitants 
OK souiH CAROLINA," upon whom would be indicted the pain 
and penalty of retaliation, if the life of Andre was taken. 
Of the forty gentlemen, inhabitants of south Carolina, 
thus indicated, and appropriated befbiehand, to the work of 
death, the subject of this memoir was one individual.* 

It will be shown, in the progress of this memoir, that the 
threat of Arnold was not an idle threat, but was treasured up in 
memory, and a few months later acted upon. 

After the defeat of General Gates at Camden, the command of 
the Southern Army, (or rather Department, for there was, in fact, 
no army at the South to command,) was conferred upon General 
Greene, who was, unquestionably, one of the ablest officers of 
the war. He arrived at the South early in December, and es- 
tablished his headquarters at Charlotte, in North Carolina. 

Without money, or essential means of any description, ne- 
cessary for the organization and equipment of an army, General 
Greene labored diligently in the work before him. Never was 



* I have further to observe, that forty gentlemen, inhabitants 
of South Carolina, have justly forfeited their lives, which have 
hitherto been spared, through the clemency of his Excellency 
Sir Henry Clinton, who cannot with propriety extend his mercy 
to them any longer, if Major Andre suffers, which will open up 
a scene of blood, at which humanity revolts. — (Arnold's Letter 
to General Washington^) Garden^ s Anecdotes of the Revolution^ 
1 iSeries J page 291. 



14 

any officer charged with a more difficult duty, and never did 
any officer exhibit more fitness for the duty with which he was 
charged ; for he was so far successful, that by the month of 
March following he found himself at the head of a force with 
which he judged, he might venture to take the field. Hence, 
he courted a conflict with the enemy, nor remained long 
ungratified ; for, on the fifteenth of that month, he met Lord 
Cornwallis at Guilford Court House in a general battle, but had 
the misfortune to be defeated. Undaunted by his defeat, but 
rendered more cautious, he met the enemy again, in the ensuing 
month, at Hobkirk's Hill ; but was again defeated. 

Besides the two pitched battles just mentioned, General 
Greene in person, or by his lieutenants, encountered the 
enemy in many minor affairs — such as those of Black Stocks, 
Cowpens, Ninety-Six, and elsewhere ; and although victorious 
in several, still the aggregate of results, was very decidedly, 
against the American arms, and upon the whole, had the effect 
of depressing, rather than elevating the animus of his men ; 
while the enemy, on their part, flushed with repeated successes 
and a corresponding belief in their own invincibility , and supe- 
riority in arms to the Americans, had grown to be propor- 
tionately insolent and daring. 

The whole theatre of the war in the South, at that period, 
was tracked with the footsteps of desolation. In the lan- 
guage of the historian, " The Royal standard we have seen 
overspreading all the country, penetrating into every quarter, 
and triumphing over all opposition. Their defeat at Hanging 
Rock, and at Williams's, in the upper part of South Carolina, 
made little impression upon an army grown familiar with vic- 
tories."* 

Such was the condition of the State of South Carolina, and 
of the cause of the confederacy down to the date of the battle 
at Hobkirk's Hill, in April, 1781. 

The thread of the narrative now leads back to the city of 
Charleston, in the month of May of the same year, (1781,) 
and to details, in which the subject of this memoir was more 
immediately involved. At that particular date, the British, 
finding themselves in undisturbed possession of the city, and 



* Vide Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Caro- 
lina, vol. 2, page 174. 



15 

with no enemy in the vicinity of sufficient consideration to 
annoy, or alarm them, deemed the fit time arrived, when they 
might safely take vengeance for the execution of Major Andre. 
Consequently, on the 17th of that month, they suddenly caused 
the arrest of all that class of prisoners of war, in the city, to 
which the subject of this memoir belonged. The number, by 
the severities, and the transportations of the enemy, had now 
been reduced, to one hundred and thirty individuals. As soon 
as arrested, they were all sent to the prison hulk Torbay. 
From this number, the forty gentlemen, inhabitants of 
SOUTH CAROLINA, previously designated by Arnold, on the 
following day were selected, and transferred to the schooner 
of war Pack- Horse, and immediately subjected to close, and 
rigorous wardship. As soon as they were safely secured, 
a letter* to them from Colonel Balfour, the military Com- 
mandant of Charleston, was placed in their hands, in which 
they were informed that they had been seized, and would 
be held as hostages, to secure the good treatment of such 
" loyal militia''^] — (meaning the Tories,) — as were then, or 
might thereafter, fall into the hands of the Patriots. With the 
letter, they were offered a flag, to carry any communications, 
they might desire to make, to such American officer as they 
might be pleased to select. 

The next step of the British was to secure a victim. It was 
not their policy to make either of the hostages the victim. 
They preferred an officer, who should be taken in arms ; 
who was superior in rank to Major Andre, (which none 
of the hostages were,) and also, one who stood high in the es- 
timation of his fellow citizens. Such an one, was not easily to be 



* Induced by these motives, I have conceived it an act of 
expediency to seize on your persons, and retain them as host- 
ages for the good usage of all the loyal militia who are, or may 
be, made prisoners of war, resolving to regulate, in the full ex- 
tent, your treatment by the measure of theirs, and which my 
feelings make me hope may hereafter be most lenient. — (Extract 
from Balfourh Letter j) Ramsay'' s Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, p. 
535. 

f Perhaps, too — though this is not suffered to appear in the 
proceedings — Hayne was only a chosen sacrifice to the manes 
of Major Andre. Balfour endorsed one of the petitions offered 
in behalf of Hayne with the two words " Major Andre." — 
History of South Carolina^ by W. Gilmore Simms, page 332. 



16 

procured ; for under the transportation policy, and the removal 
of actual hostilities from the vicinity of Charleston, very few 
officers, possessing (he several requisites, were within their 
reach. Finally, however, fate threw Colonel Isaac Hayne into 
their power, and in him, all their requirements were fulfilled. 
He was captured, while pursued by a party of cavalry sent for 
the purpose, through the failure of his horse, about forty miles 
from Charleston, and brought to the city. 

It is ncit designed to speak of the martyrdom of this gentle- 
man, who was one of South Carolina's bravest, and most virtu- 
ous citizens, further than is rendered essential, by the lineal con- 
nection o( the subject of this memoir with his fate. The English 
public, at the date of the transaction, strongly reprobated, and 
condemned the execution, and an inquiry into the facts was 
commenced in Parliament. But Lord Rawdon, who had re- 
turned home, and upon whom the odium chiefly rested, had 
the address by brow-beating, and intimidating His Royal 
Highness the Dui^-e of Richmond, to suppress the proceedings 
before any considerable progress had been made. But the 
general verdict ol mankind, confirmed by time, has affixed to it 
the seal of reprobation, while the name of the martyr, will 
forever adorn the page of history. 

Colonel Hayne, by chance, was the brother-in-law of Major 
Wigg. They had grown up together from childhood, and were 
intimate personal friends. They followed the same profession — 
that of planting. Their political sentiments were indentical 
upon all important measures, which in those days was the surest, 
and strongest bond of friendship, between individuals. And, 
finally, they entered at the same time into the military service 
of the State ; in the same arm of the service, and had been 
companions in arms. Hence it may be inferred, their personal 
relations, were of the strongest, and most enduring character ; 
and such as would have excited the sympathies of either, upon 
the occasion of any injury to the other; and could not fail to 
arouse a less impulsive man, than Major Wigg is known to have 
been, to resent or avenge such injury, by any means in his power. 

The historian, Ramsay,* though an eye witness to the execu- 

* The procession began from the Exchange, in the forenoon 
of the fourth of August, 1781. The streets were crowded with 
thousands of spectators. He walked to the place of execution 
with such decent firmness, composure and dignity, as to 



u 

tion, has not given a very minute account of the circun^stances 
attending it. He relates, in the second volume of his History of 
the Revolution in South Carolina, that the martyr was attended 
to the fatal place, by three gentlemen, and followed by a large 
concourse of lamenting citizens, but he omits to state who the 
three gentlemen were. 

The current belief is, that the historian himself, who was 
upon intimate terms of friendship with Colonel Hayne, was one 
of the three, anrl that the other two, were General John Barn- 
well, and the subject of this memoir, both of whom were, not 
only intimate friends, but also bore to him, the relationship of 
brothers-in-law, as has already been stated with respect to Major 
Wigg. That they were the parties alluded to, seems to be very 
probable ; for who so likely as tried friends, and near relatives, 
to be selected to discharge the last sad otfices of friendship, and 
affection, which the occasion demanded ? 

On the other hand, at the time of the execution, both of the 
gentlemen mentioned, were in imprisonment as hostages, on 
board of the schooner Pack Horse, to which they had been 
sent on the l8th of the preceding month of May; while the 
severity with which ail of that class of men, to which they both 
belonged, had been uniformly treated by the enemy, would seem 
1 forbid the presumption that any favor was shown to them ; 
not ^ 'Ci. the melancholy favor, of being permitted to administer 



awaken the t\\ passion of many, and to command the respect 
of all. There's, as a majesty in his sufferings which rendered 
him superior to death. When the city barrier was past, and 
the instrument of his catastrophe appeared in full view, a faith- 
ful friend by his side observed to him, " that he hoped he 
would exhibit an example of the manner in which an American 
can die." He answered with the utmost tranquility, " I will 
endeavor to do so." He ascended the cart, with a firm and 
serene aspect. He enquired of the executioner, who was mak- 
ing an attempt to get up and pull the cap over his eyes, what 
he wanted. Upon being informed of his design, the Colonel 
replied, " I will save you that trouble," and pulled it over 
himself. He was afterwards asked, whether he wished to say 
anything; to which he answered, "I will take leave of my 
friends, and be ready." He then affectionately shook hands 
with three gentlemen, recommended his children to their care, 
and gave the signal for the cart to move. — Rajnsay^s Hist. Rev. 
in S. a,vol2,pp.%84:'285. 
2 



18 

the consolations of friendship and affection, in the hour of igno- 
minious death. 

But be that as it may: — Whether Major Wigg, was actually 
present at the place of execution or not, is immaterial. ]fhe 
was present, the sight of his friend, suspended above hiss head, 
and writhing in mortal agony, was cause sufficient to lead him to 
the fearless utterance of the leelings, which oppressed his bosom ; 
regardless alike of the cordon of glittering bayonets around 
him, the paraphernalia of death at hand, and of the relentless 
character of the enemy, into whose power he had fallen a help- 
less, manacled prisoner. Nor upon such an occasion was it 
probable, that a man like himself, would have refrained from 
endeavoring to inspire his friends around him, with sentiments 
kindred to his own, and with the resolution to avenge upon the 
enemy, the immolation of their honored, and respected country- 
man. Such is believed actually to have been the fact: 
that is to say — it is believed that, being present at the place 
of execution, his haughty, and contemptuous bearing, in the 
presence of the enemy, — his fearless, and vehement denuncia- 
tion of the atrocious deed, and his appeals to his friends for 
vengeance, constituted the offence of which he was guilty ; 
and for which he was punished by the loss of his property. 
But be that as it may : dismissing all conjecture, the broad fact 
is undeniable, that it was this execution^ which furnished the 
motive to the enemy, for the plunder of his estates ; and this is 
shown by the quick following of the depredation, upon the 
heels of the catastrophe of blood ; and hence, it is perfectly 
immaterial when, where, or in what manner the offence was 
perpetrated — whether by word, or gesture, or whether on the 
land, at the foot of the scaffold ; or afloat, upon the deck of the 
Pack Horse. 

The enemy, partly with the view of justifying to the world, 
the unlawful seizure of a body of prisoners of war upon parole ; 
already confined to the limits of a city, but chiefly with the view 
of concealing, and thereby rendering more certain of success, 
the still more unlawful, and inhuman work upon which they 
were about to engage, found it convenient to hold up, as a blind, 
the declaration of other motives. But the pretext was of the 
shallowest, for at that time, there were no " loyal militia ^^'' in the 
hands of the Patriots. The game was running rather upon the 
other cards. Moreover, the /osteringj and not the suppressing^ 



19 

of internecine strife, was from the first, the policy of the enemy, 
from which they never departed ; for it was a truism, that 
of Whigs and Tories, whichsoever slaughtered the other, so 
long as the life of a native-born citizen was lost, the gai?i 
was to the British, inasmuch as it reduced the quantity of 
the fuel, upon which fed the flames of rebellion. Hence it 
is evident, the alleged motive for the arrest of the prisoners of 
whom we are speaking, w^as false, and unreal, while it is equally 
evident, that the true motive can only be referred to the solution, 
which the threat of Arnold, respecting these very men, 
gives to the affair. But if further evidence of the fact was 
needed, it would be sufficient, to state that one of the petitions 
on behalf of the officer who was unlawfully and inhuman'y sacri- 
ficed, was returned to the parties presenting it, with the brief, 
but pointed endorsement by Balfour, of the words, " Major 
Andre."* 

We possess no clue by which to determine the reasons, which 
influenced the enemy, in making the selections of these particu- 
lar forty gentlemen, inhabitants of Smth Carolina, save that 
which their respective names discloses — that they were, at the 
time of Andre's execution, forty of the most valuable, and 
prominent prisoners, which death and transportation, had left 
remaining in the State. But to continue. 

The prisoners of war upon parole, now tyrannically converted 
into HOSTAGES by the enemy, availed themselves of the offer 
of the flag to cover their communications to their countrymen, 
and accordingly forwarded the letter they had received from 
Balfour, with one of their own, to General Greene, w^hich last 
contains this memorable language: "We would just beg 

LEAVE TO observe THAT, SHOULD IT FALL TO THE LOT OF ALL, 
OR, ANY OF US, TO BE MADE VICTIMS, AGREEABLE TO THE 
MENACES THEREIN CONTAINED, WE HAVE ONLY TO REGRET, 
THAT OUR BLOOD CANNOT BE DISPOSED OF, MORE TO THE 
ADVANCEMENT OF THE GLORIOUS CAUSE, TO WHICH WE HAVE 

ADHERED."! ^^ passing, it will not be considered out of place 
to remark, with respect to this letter, that the spirit, and the 
patriotism, which it exhibits, marks it, as one of the noblest 
monuments of the Revolution. 



* Simms's History of South Carolina, page 332. 
t Vide Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Caro- 
lina, vol. 2, page 541. 



2a 

With respect to tlie execution of Colonel Hayne, in parting- 
from the subject. It was the capital error of the war com- 
mitted by the enemy. Its effect, which was undoubtedly 
designed to be altogether political, in every respect disappointed 
their expectations, and kindled a spirit throughout the land 
which could not be quelled, but which led directly to the most 
portentous consequences. It was the pivot, upon which the war 
turned, at the South. Garden, in his anecdotes, says of it, 
that — 

"Colonel Hayne, as the object of his deadly hate" (the author 
refers to Lord Rawdon) " was condemned, and suffered with the 
patience of a martyr, while from his tomb a flame arose which, 
widely diffused, gave constant increase to the spirit of revolt, 
till the expulsion of the enemy caused justice to triumph, and 
confirmed the independence of the Union."* 

With respect to Major Wigg, Immediately after the execu- 
tion, a special expedition by water, was despatched with orders, 
to plunder, and destroy the property, on his two plantations lying 
on the Okeetee river, in St. Luke's parish, Beaufort district: 
distant about one hundred and twenty miles from the city ; 
and never, since the time of Highland forays, upon Lowland 
Plains, was plunder and destruction made more absolute. Sur- 
passing all nations of the earth, (as the records of this war will 
bear witness,) in the ruthless art, and practice of devastation, 
the British upon this occasion, excelled themselves in the 
thoroughness of the ravage, with which they visited the banks of 
the Oketee. 

Within a period of about fifteen, or twenty days, all the 
perishable property, possessed by Major Wigg, (except 
three servants^ who were absent,) was swept away from him. 
His slaves were taken on board the vessel, and conveyed 
to San Augustine, in Florida, and sold. His crops were 
left to waste. His buildings were devoted to the torch. His 
flocks and his herds, were given to the slaughter knife, and his 
horses were carried off to the enemy's lines at Savannah. In 
short, the plantations which Major Wigg had left (upon the 
call of his country, at a time when that call was a mission of 
peril,) flourishing under his skillful husbandry, were now con- 
verted into a wilderness. Even the very site was blotted from 



Vide Garden's Anecdotes, 1st series, page 225. 



21 

the map, as far as human powers of destruction, could erase the 
lines, laid down by the hand of the Almighty. Himself a 
captive, undergoing inflictions, privations and indignities, the 
greatest which the refinements of cruelty could invent, and the 
hands of brutal hirelings could inflict. His family, (his wife, 
and tender offspring,) driven forth houseless, homeless wan- 
derers, in the land of their fathers. Such was the price which 
it was the hard fate, ot this patriot of South Carolina, to be 
forced to pay for his devotion to his country, and his fidelity to 
the ennobling instincts, of humanity, and friendship. 

Having brought the narrative to this point, we leave the Pack 
Horse, with her company of hostages on board, securely 
anchored, and safely guarded, in Charleston harbor, while we 
return to General Greene. 

This commander, although his army was still very in- 
differently equipped, and suffering from the want of ne- 
cessaries, fearlessly sought the enemy again ; — (relying upon 
the new influences, planted in the minds of his troops, by the 
^death of Hayne ;) — and upon the field ofEutaw, decided the^?-eaif 
battle of the Revolution. — Great, not only in the skill of the Com- 
manders, and theseverity ofthecoiiflict, but in the results achieved. 
Though not precisely a victory, inasmuch as both armies after 
the battle rested upon the field, yet it failed to be such only in 
name, and from accidental causes, while it was recognized by 
Congress, and the Country, as a great victory.* And all the 
fruits of victory, accrued to the American arms, while not 
the least amongst these, was the restoration of the lost prestige 
of victory^ and the corresponding loss to the Royal forces of 
their previously claimed iiwincibility ; for from that day forward 
to the end of the war, the American arms knew reverses no 
more, but triumphed in every conflict. f Moreover, the 
battle of Eataw was the last battle of the Revolution in 
South Carolina, as well as the era of the decadence of 



* Congress honored General Greene for his decisive conduct 
in this action, with a British standard and a golden medal, and 
they also voted their thanks to the different corps and their 
commanders. — Ramsay''s His. of Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, p. 255. 

t After the action at Eutaw, the Americans retired to their 
former position on the high hills of Santee, and the British took 
post in the vicinity of Munk's Corner. While they lay there, 
a small party of American cavalry, commanded by Colonel 
Maham, took upwards of eighty prisoners witliin sight of their 



22 

Brilisli colonial authority upon the continent. It also mate- 
rially aided in preparing the way, for the final conflict at 
Yorktown, by the moral influence which it exercised upon 
the minds of the belligerents, in elevating the confidence of the 
one, and depressing that of the other. 

When the British, whose power in the State had rapidly de- 
clined, as we have seen, from the battle of Eutaw, found them- 
selves no longer able to retain their foothold, and were about 
to evacuate, they ordered the Pack Horse to proceed to the 
port of New York. Still feeling the possession of those hostages 
of paramount importance to themselves, as the means of re- 
straint upon General Greene, whose power had become so greatly 
enlarged, with the view of preventing the possibility of escape, 
they also ordered a frigate to convoy her to her destination. 
But their precaution proved to be unavailing. The Pack Horse 
never reached the port of New York. She was captured at sea 
by her prisoners. In the night, (as it is traditionally related,) 
a few days ifter leaving Charleston, everything having been pre- 
arranged, the prisoners released themselves from their manacles, 
and rising upon the officers and crew, made a gallant capture of 
the vessel, without sustaining the loss of a single man of their 
party. So quietly and so masterly had the affair been conducted, 
that although her consort was but a little way off", and in a calm 
sea, yet when the day dawned she evidently entertained no sus- 
picion of what had taken place. During the day, the two vessels 
continued sailing in company, and still no alarm or distrust was 
excited. Throughout the day, as the voyage progressed, the 
hostages resorted to a variety of expedients, both to conceal the 
affair, and to increase their distance from the convoy, and hap- 
pily they succeeded so well, that when the evening came they 
were far beyond the reach of her shot; whereupon, the frigate 
fired a gun, as a signal for the convoy to close with her, 
when, this not being obeyed as promptly as was expected, a 
boat was dispatched to bring her up, but before the boat could 
reach her, darkness had set in. 'J'he Pack Horse then, 
needing concealment no longer, spread her sails upon another 

main army. The British no more acted with their former vigor. 
On the slightest appearance of danger, they discovered a dis- 
position to flee, scarcely less than what was exhibited the year 
before by the American militia. — Ramsay^s Hist, of the Rev. in 
S. C, vol. 2, p. 255. 



23 

course, and safely escaped into one of the ports of North Caro- 
lina, carrying with her as prisoners, the men who had so lately, 
for so long a time, and so inexorably, exercised the office of 
jailors over those who had now, in turn, become the masters. 
The prisoners thus captured by the hostages of the Pack 
Horse, are believed to have been the last prisoners, made in 
the war of the Revolution. 

In reviewing the case of this capture, the conclusion cannot 
b'3 resisted, that, taking all the circumstances into consideration, 
it is one of the most remarkable naval achievements upon 
record ; and that it exhibits, in an eminent degree, the predomi- 
nant characteristic of daring which the actors possessed, and 
which so fully justified the sentiments of their memorable letter 
to General Greene. It must be borne in mind, that, upon the 
one hand, none of the hostages were seamen; probably few of 
them had ever before been out of sight of land. They were 
prisoners, manacled, watched, and on ship-board. They had 
been prisoners for nearly a year, crowded into a small vessel, in 
a southern latitude, and during the whole of the period, they had 
been treated with great rigor, and consequently their health 
must have been seriously impaired, and their bodily strength 
diminished in proportion. On the other hand, the vessel on 
board of which they sailed, was a British cruiser, fully manned, 
armed, equipped and disciplined, having on board a crew, 
which at the least must have been twice as great in number, 
as their own number, and whose business it had been for many 
months, to guard these prisoners with unusual vigilance. And 
finally, the schooner was under the guns of a heavy frigate, 
doubtless having strict orders of watchfulness. Yet, in the 
face of such disadvantages, the capture was not only at- 
tempted, but successfully accomplished. In view of all these 
circumstances, it cannot be denied that the capture was most re- 
markable ; and had it not been for the modesty of those engaged, 
(who, while living, boasted not of their achievement, nor, 
when dying, left any memorial to speak, when they could speak 
no more) its fame would have been made the theme of song, 
and its memory perpetuated in columns of brass and marble. 

The hostages, after their escape, disembarked in one of the 
ports of North Carolina, as already stated, and about the end of 
spring, we find them assembled at Halifax, in that State ; 
whence they started, mostly on foot, (having with them only 



24 

one or two horses,) upon their weary pilgrimage, through arid, 
pine barrens, and tangled swamps, back to their loved homes — 
where, in due time, toil worn, they safely arrived: — Major 
Wigg to find his home scathed by the ruthless hand of war, 
and himself bereft of all, save honor, and the consolations of 
knowing that he had faithfully performed his duty to his country. 

Such was the effect of the severities of their long imprison- 
ment on ship-board, in a southern latitude, upon the constitutions 
of the hostages, that it is believed not one of the number ever 
reached old age : — Major Wigg himself dying at the early age of 
fifty-one years, and three others of the number, all of v/hora were 
nearly related to himself, are known not to have survived a 
much greater age. 

During the period of Major Wigg's incarceration, he received 
military promotion, in the same manner as if his duties had 
never been interrupted ;* and after the close of the war, the 
State, mindful it may be inferred, of the value of his ser- 
vices, and aware of the total wreck of his fortune, autho- 
rized the sale to him, upon a liberal credit, of a large 
number o( confiscated slaves^ and subsequently, whenever from 
loss of crops or other causes, he was unable to meet his ob- 
ligations, as often as solicited, he was, by resolution of the Legis- 
lature, granted such indulgence in his payments, as was 



* ' Comptroller General's Office, 

Columbia, S. C, January 3, i860. 

This will certify that I find upon record in this office the 
stated account of William Hazzard Wigg for pay as captain 
and major in the militia of this State for the years 1779 and 
1782, as follows: Account No. 369, Book E, '"'19th October, 
1782, to amount of pay bill, ^100 18.9. 6|d, currency;" and 
" 1782, to 3 months and 10 day's service, from 1st JNIarch to 
10th June, at $200 per month, as per agreement with his ex- 
cellency the governor, is $666-f^, at 4^. 8(^.rr,£155 lis. l^rf." 
for duty in 1782. Certified to by Governor Matthews 19th 
October, 1782, and receipted by said Wigg 14th December, 
1784 ; and on the back of the account it is stated " for duty in 
militia as captain and major in 1779, 1781, f and 1782." 

Given under my hand. 

WM. R. HUNTT, 

Deputy Compt'^r GenU. 

(No seal of office.) 

t See Ap])endix, note 3. 



25 

desired by himself or by his executors, after his death.* 
Subsequently to the war Major Wigg gave to the public service of 
the State the benefit of his wisdom, and experience in the recon- 
struction of the Government, by serving during several years in 
the Legislature. And finally he expired, at Myrtle Bush, his 
country seat, near the town of Beaufort, after a few days illness, 
from pleurisy, on the 20th of April, 1798. 



CONCLUSION. 

It has been found necessary by the memorialist, in order to 
develope fully, the nature of his claim upon the government of 
the United States, for compensation, for the Kevolutionary losses 
of his ancestor, through the depredations of the enemy, to sketch 
somewhat elaborately, the history of the State of South Carolina, 
which is embraced within the period of the war. In doing 
this he has endeavored, to follow closely, such authorities, as 
were within his reach, and he relies upon the tenourof the 
copious notes which he has appended, to exhibit his general 
accuracy. 

Before bringing this memoir to a close, it is proper to explain 
the views, and expectations of the memorialist, together with 
the several grounds upon which he relies, for the enforcement of 
both. 

In the first place, he takes occasion to remark, that the sketch 
of the life and character of Major Wigg which has been pre- 
sented is designed solely, as illustrative of the history of the 
events which form the basis of the Claim upon Government for 
relief, and not, by any means, is it considered as of itself, creative 
of any claim. That Major Wigg exhibited courage upon all 
proper occasions, energy of character whenever demanded, and 
patiioiism throughout the Revolution, must be admitted; yet 
not for those reasons is aught demanded, for such attributes 
were possessed in common with the whole of that class of his 
countrymen, of which he was an individual. The claim rests 
upon other and higher ground. Upon tw'o simple, broad, and 
unquestionable facts, inwoven with its history: 

First, that Major Wigg was an hostage to the enemy ac- 
cording to the established principles of international law. 



* 1 find upon reference to the statutes of our State that Wm. 
H. Wigg was granted further time for paying off bonds due by 
him. Indulgence was granted three different times. (Extract 
of letter to the memorialist from W. R. Huntt, esq., the assistant 
comptroller general of the State, dated at Columbia, South Caro- 
lina, July 23, 1859.; 



26 

He was declared such, in express and explicit terms, by the 
enemy, at the date of the transactions, as has been shown herein. 
Moreover, upon the reception of the flag of truce, cover- 
ing the communications of the hostages to General Greene, 
we do not find that he protested against, or remonstrated with the 
enemy, on account of the unlawfulness of the act of converting 
prisoners of war upon parole, into hostages. On the con- 
trary, he was silent upon the subject; hence, the condition of 
hostageship was fully recognized by him, and thus the measure 
was rendered complete, and binding upon all parties: according 
to the rule laid down by the best writers upon international 
law. 

The doctrine of hostages, is laid down by Grotius, in the fol- 
lowing language : 

" Hostages, we have already said, are either such as freely 
give themselves, or are given by him that hath the sovereign 
power. For he that is possessed of the supreme civil power, 
has a right, both on the actions and the goods of the subject, 
but the Prince, or State, shall be obHged to make satisfaction 
to him, or to his friends, for any losses he may sustain." 

With respect to the escape of hostages, he says : 
"The quere is, whether hostages may lawfully escape? and 
certainly he may not, if at first, or since, he hath engaged his 
word, (in order to obtain a little more liberty,) that he would 
not, otherwise, it does not seem to be the intent of the State 
that sent him, not to oblige their subject from making his escape, 
but to allow the enemy to secure hiin as he pleased."* 

The next, or second fact in the history of this claim, (and upon 
which alone the memorialist is both ready, and willing, to rest 
his cause,) is the treatment Major Wigg (together with all that 
class of Patriots to which he belonged) received at the hands 
of the constituted authorities of the United States, upon the 
occasion of the surrender of Charleston in 17S0, wherein his 
rights, as a citizen soldier, were sacrificed, or bartered away, to 
the end, that another class of citizen soldiers, (the Continentals,) 
with whom he was serving, might escape certain pains and 
penalties, to which he was subjected, in their stead. 

But before proceeding further, it is essential to a full develop- 
ment of the point, to explain the fact, that the besieged con- 
sisted of three sei^eral, and distinct classes of men : First, the 



Grotius, vol. iii, chap, xx, sec. 52-53. 



07 



Resident Population ; Second, the Continental Troops; and 
Third, the Volunteer Militia^ from the country. By the first 
class, as a clasSy the chief part of the real, and personal property 
of the city, was owned. This class was composed, principally, 
of the merchants and tradesmen. Many, if not most of whom, 
viexe foreigners. Such men were naturally tender of the rights 
of property, and ^ev& oi loose principles of allegiance. Conse- 
quently, as a body, they were Royalists at heart, and opposed to 
the defence of the city ; and throughout the siege, as was after- 
wards made known, they carried on a clandestine correspond- 
ence with the enemy, and exerted their influence to the utmost, 
from first to last, in secretly thwarting operations, and producmg 
discord amongst the besieged. 

The Second Class, the Continentals, were chiefly of the 
same description of men as at present compose the army of the 
United States, with the difference, perhaps, of a preponder- 
ance in their ranks, of native citizens. They were, however, 
brave men, and good soldiers, as well as patriotic citizens; — 
against whose valor, and services, the word of reproach has never 
been uttered. Still, they were hirelings, and not denizens of 
the soil, they were professionally engaged in defending. 

The Third Class, was the Volunteers, or Country Militia. 
These men have already been fully described. The historian, 
Ramsay, says of them : 

" The commanders of the militia from the country, who were 
mostly people of the first rank, influenced by a sense of honor, 
repaired to the defence of the town, though they could not bring 
with them a number of privates equal to their respective com- 
mands."* 

Of such were the component classes, of the defenders of the 
city of Charleston in 1780. 

The Treaty, in general terms, as already stated, stipulated for 
the surrender, as prisoners of war, of the whole of the besieged. 
But under the Third Article it was provided, with respect to 
the Continentals, that they should he marched out with all their 
baggage, and should be assigned convenient quarters in or near 
the city, lohere they were to remain until regularly exchanged, 
and in the mean time, they were to be supplied, and furnished 



* History of the Revolution in South Carolina, vol. 2, p. 61. 



28 

in the same manner, as if they were British soldiers.* In con- 
formity with this stipulation of the treaty, the non-commissioned 
officers and privates, were assigned to the barracks, which they 
had previously occupied, while the commissioned officers^ with 
General Moultrie at their head., were located at HaddreVs Point., 
distant several miles from the city., with Cooper river flowing 
between. These officers doubtless, suffered such hardships as 
were inseparable from their condition ; but upon the high 
authority of General Moultrie, himself one of the number, they 
were comparatively well provided for. He says : 

"When we got to Haddrel's Point, it was very difficult to 
get quarters in the barracks for the number of officers that were 
sent over. They went to the neighboring houses, within the 
limits of their parole, (I was, at this time, allowed to come to 
tow^n whenever I pleased,) and many others built huts about 
in the woods, and in a little time were very comfortably settled, 
with little gardens about them. * * Colonel Pinckney and 
myself were in excellent quarters, at Mr. Pinckney's place, 
called Snee Farm."! 

To these means of comfort were superadded the full control 
of their time, which may be inferred, was spent in cultivating 
vegetables., and in other similar pursuits, conducive to their 
general comfort. But first, and above all, they were, through 

THE ARRANGEMENTS OF THE SURRENDER, DELIVERED FROM 

THE CITY, (which was shortly to be converted into pandemo- 
nium, by the cruelties inflicted upon others, from which they 
were themselves exempted,) and from the odious surveil- 
lance of the enemy. 

The First Class, or the Resident Population^ already the 
fast friends of the enemy, as soon as the gates were open, met 
them at the portals with open arms, and with an address or 



* " Article III. The Continental troops and sailors, with 
their bagorage, shall be conducted to a place to be agreed on, 
where they will remain prisoners of war until exchanged. 
While prisoners, they shall be supplied with good and whole- 
some provisions, in such quantity as is served out to the troops 
of bis Britannic Majesty." — Ramsay'' s Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 
2, page 405. 

f Vide Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. 2, page 117. 

Also — 

The Continental officers taken at the surrender of Charles- 
ton, were confined at Haddock's Point. — Ramsay^ s Hist. Rev. 
in S. C.,vol. 2, page 294. 



29 

CONGRATULATION* upon the result of the siege, and with 
swelling protestations, of their unimpaired loyalty to the 

CROWN OF ENGLAND. 

General Moultrie, in his memoirs, makes mention of this 
class of the besieged. He says : 

"About 11 o'clock a. m., on the 12th of May, we marched 
out between 1500 and 1600 Continental troops, (leaving five or 
six hundred sick and wounded in the hospital,) without the 
horn of the work, on the left, and piled our arms ; the officers 
marched the men back to the barracks, where a British guard 
was placed over them : the British asked, where our second 
division was? They were told, these were all the Continentals 
we had, except the sick and wounded. They were astonished, 
and said we had made a gallant defence. * * While we 
were in the horn work, together in conversation, he said,f ' Sir, 
you have made a gallant defence, but you had a great many 
rascals among you, (and mentioned names,) who came out every 
night and gave us information of what was passing in your 
garrison.' * * The militia remained in Charleston." | 

By this course of conduct, as soon as the enemy were in pos- 
session of the city, they obtained from them (doubtless under 
prior and clandestine arrangements,) total exemption from all 
the pains and penalties of the rebellion, together with perfect 
freedom from personal restraint, and readmission into the 
ranks of Royal subjects. Consequently, they returned im- 
mediately to their ordinary pursuits, and probably were in 
many respects in as good, if not in a better position, than they 
formerly occupied ; and were immediately used by the enemy, as 
tools, in operating upon the fidelity of their late associates, and 
upon other not more honorable services. So much for this class 
ot the besieged, the Resident Population, considered as a class. 
Amongst them, of course, there were some, if not many, of the 
truest, and best patriots of the State. 

The Third Class — the brave and patriotic volunteers: 
Upon these hapless patriots, unfortunately fell, all the evils 
OF the surrender, which were so manifold and terrible, as 
to make the record thereof, " the bloodiest picture in the book 
of time." 



* Vide Ramsay's His. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, p. 405. 
t The British officer with whom he was conversing, 
I Vol. ii, page 117. 



30 

Surrendered as prisoners of war to the enemy, under the 
following conditions of the treaty : — 

"Article IV. — The militia now in garrison shall be per- 
mitted to return to their respective homes as prisoners upon 
parole, which parole, as long as they observe, shall secure them 
fiom being molested in their property by the British troops."* 
They were entitled io parole, (with the privilege of retiring to 
their homes,) and to the protection of their property, from the 
ravages of the enemy. But in every particular they were 
cruelly deceived. The enemy never regarded, as of binding 
force, and never designed so to regard, this article of the treaty. 
They looked upon it, in the words of the historian, " as the 
expedient of a day."f It was only intended as a lure, to 
gain possession of the persons of the volunteers, which would 
be a more valuable acquisition, than the possession of every 
other individual in the State. Having accomplished this prime 
object, and being now in the possession of the persons of these 
men, their first efforts were directed, mainly with the aid of the 
first class of prisoners, their late friends and associates, to 
convert them from the heresy of independence, into orthodox 
sentiments, of loyalty to the King. To this end their treatment 
at first was comparatively mild and humane, but meeting with 
little success in their missionary labors under such regimen, 
(for ihe fidelity of these Volunteers was as incorruptible, as the 
Palmetto battlements of the glorious fort, which had so lately 
withstood their artillery,) a sterner method was very shortly 
after resorted to. In the first place, not a man of the 
NUMBER WAS PERMITTED TO LEAVE THE CITY, but wcre all re- 
tained, to be made victims of the foulest system of outrage, and 
inhumanity, which disgraces the annals of modern times. They 
were deprived of all their property : every article of value was 
taken away from them. They were constantly harrassed by 
petty, and unfounded complaints, upon which they were dragged 
up to military tribunals: and as constantly, unjustly punished. 
They were inadequately supplied with food and raimant, and 



* Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Carolina, 
vol. ii, page 405. 

t The conquerors ridiculed the idea of observing the capitu- 
lation with the citizens. They considered the measure as the 
expedient of a day, only proper at the surrender to prevent the 
effusion of blood, but no longer so when their arms were 
triumphant in the remote extremities of the fetate. — Ibid, p. 297. 



31 

were prohibited to increase the supply, by the practice of their 
former professions.* Young maidensf were harshly treated, 
and imprisoned in noisome dungeons, already occupied by 
by the vile, and debased of both sexes. The sick were pur- 
posely placed in improper hospitals, and wantonly exposed to 
the fatal infection of the small pox. But we will not dwell 
upon such loathsome details.^ Sufficient for the purpose to state, 
that from these various causes, in the brief space of a few 
months, the number of this ill-fated class were reduced to less 
than one-third of the original number who were surrendered, § 
while the survivors were attenuated into living shadows of their 
former selves, and with injuries to their physical constitutions, 
from which few, if any of them, ever recovered. Such was 
the condition to which these brave "men were reduced by the 
consequences of the surrender of the city. And in this de- 



* " Whereas divers persons who are prisoners on parole in 
Charleston, do exercise the professions, trades and occupations, 
and avail themselves of the emoluments and advantages incident 
thereto, which should be enjoyed only by those who have re- 
turned to their allegiance, and are desirous of supporting his 
Majesty's Government, which affords them protection. For 
prevention whereof in future, it is ordered, that no person, now 
a prisoner on j)arole in Charleston, shall have the liberty of ex- 
ercising any profession, trade, mechanic art, business or occu- 
pation. And his Majesty's subjects are hereby strictly enjoined 
and required not to employ such person or persons, on any 
pretence. 

"By order of the Commandant: 

" Henry Barry, 
" Secretary and Deputy Adjutant. 
" Date, 2bth of March, 1781." 

(Ramsay^s Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, page 296.^ 

f Two young ladies, * * * on groundless suspicion of 
giving intelligence to the Americans, were for a short time sub- 
jected to the same indignities. They were crowded together 
with the sick, laboring under contagious diseases, with negroes, 
deserters, and women of infamous character. * * The 
American State prisoner, and the British felon, shared the same 
fate. — Ibid, pp. 264-5. 

I After the British landed in Carolina in 1780, they confined 
some of their first prisoners in the vaults with the dead. — Ibidj 
p. 280, 

§ See Appendix, note 4. 



:32 

plorable condition they continued to exist, not only until every 
man of the Continentals, Oncers and Soldiers, had been ex- 
changed, and were again as free as the winds of Heaven, but 
up to the very latest moment, the British had the power of 
holding them. 

Comment upon the case of these brave and unfortunate men 
is unnecessary. The broad fact looms up in history that 
they were sacrificed. That the'r hardships and sufferings, 
which resulted in such fearful mortality, was the price paid 
for the IMMUNITY or the continental of*"icers, from like 
ill-usage, and for their earlier liberation. Surely this sacrifice 
of one class of the officers, of a beleaguered army, for the 
benefit of another class, has no precedent, and no parallel, 
IN the American service. That this result was intentional 
on the part of the American Commander, is not alleged. He, 
doubtless, animated with sentiments of good faith, judged that 
the enemy felt the same influences. But this admission does 
not change the state of the case in any respect. A general 
commanding an army under the flag of the united 
states, not only, has no lawful power to discriminate 
between the individuals under his command, as was done 
at charleston, but he cannot do anything which may 
afterwards so operate as to produce unequal, and un- 
laavful discrimination. 

Under this view of the subject, no single man, or officer, of 
the Continentals should have been allowed fa leave the city, so 
long as a single Volunteer remained in it, exposed to the evils 
which the whole practice of the English, during the Revolution, 
might have led to the supposition as being likely to follow, the 
power to inflict. Hence, the ranks of the army never 
SHOULD HAVE BEEN SEPARATED, and the fate of one, should 
have been made the fate of all. 

With respect to the General Commanding: — As soon as the 
treaty was signed, he gave up the command of the Continental 
forces to General Moultrie, and was provided, in virtue of 

THE TREATY, with a VeSScl, on which, together with HIS 

STAFF, he sailed for Philadelphia, leaving the volunteers 
to the mercy of the enemy.* 



* General Lincoln was furnished with a vessel to carry him 
and his suite to Philadelphia. — Moultrie'' s Memoirs, vol. 2, page 
117. 



33 

From this historical statement of the facts of the case, the 
deduction is inevitable, that the general commanding the 
American forces at the siege of Charleston in 1780, when 
forced to surrender to the enemy, made unlawful discrimination 
between the troops under his command ; surrendering one 
class — the Continental oncers — to a comparatively mild, and 
humane treatment ; inasmuch as they were removed away from 
the city to Haddrell's Point, several miles distant; where they 
had the means of comfort around them, and were free from all 
surveillance, and control of the enemy : in which condition they 
remained until they were exchanged, and restored to the service 
of their country : And the other class — the Volunteers, of whom 
Major Wigg was one individual — to a close and most cruel 
imprisonment in the city, where they were deprived of all the 
advantages and privileges enjoyed by the Continental officers; 
and where they were exposed to, and actually made to suffer, 
such privations and severities, as consigned a large portion of 
the whole number to the grave ; and that they continued in this 
state, until long after the Continental officers were exchanged. 
There is no fact of Revolutionary history, more clearly estab- 
lished, than this fact, of unlawful discrimination ;yh'i\e it^ is 
equally clear, that by reason of it alone, the misfortune of losing 
his property, was brought upon Major Wigg ; for it is evident 
that if he had been exchanged, as he ought to have been, when 
the Continental officers were exchanged, in June 1781, he 
would have gone home to his family, and necessarily, would 
have been absent from the city in the following month of 
August, which is the date of his pecuniary misfortunes. 

Moreover, when Lord Cornwallis surrendered his army at 
Yorktown, the occasion was a fitting one for the American 
Officers to demand the release of Major Wigg and his com- 
panions, who were at the time still in confinement on board the 
Pack Horse in Charleston harbor, and also to require indemni- 
fication for the ravage of his estates, — both the one and the 
other, they, the American officers, had the power to enforce, 
and yet the occasion was neglected. He and his companions 
were not thought of, while a military indignity placed upon 
General Lincoln at the surrender of Charleston, by Sir Henry 
Clinton, was borne in mind and atonement required of Lord 
Cornwallis, by the infliction of the same indignity upon himself. 
3 



34 

It was an impossibility that a single officer of the American 
army, before Yorktown, could have been ignorant of the trans- 
actions at Charleston, for many of them had been eye-witnesses 
of the barbarities, which had converted ihat ill-fated city into a 
charnel house. Hence, it can only be inferred that reasons 
of State existed, to prevent interference in their behalf. 

The cause and character of the punishment inflicted upon 
Major Wigg, in the plunder of his property by the enemy, is 
marked and verified, with perfect clearness, by the fact that the 
expedition sent for that purpose, in going upon its errand, al- 
though it passed through the wealthiest, and perhaps, the 
most unguarded, region of the State, molested the possessions of 
no other man. Particularly, it passed and repassed the Island 
«)f Callawassie, lying in the Oketee river, exactly midway 
between the two plantations of Major Wigg, upon opposite 
banks, without disturbing it in any way, although upon it there 
was at the time a large number of slaves, and all the requisites 
of a first class plantation.* The business of the expedition 
was the plunder of Major Wigg^s property, and to that single 
object, its work was restricted. He alone had offended, and he 
alone was aimed at : and great indeed must that offence have 



* This fact is admitted, in the Report of the Committees of 
Congress, when this claim originally came before that body, in 
1852-3, in words as follows : 

*' This expedition reached its destination within two or three 
weeks after the execution of Colonel Hayne, and neither going 
or returning did it molest the property of any other man ; par- 
ticularly it passed and repassed the Island of Callawassie, lying 
between the two plantations of Major Wigg, on which was a 
large number of negroes and other property, none of which were 
seized." — Vide Senate Report, JVb. 348, 1st session, 32d Con- 
gress, page 3. 

JVote. — It may not be out of place here to remark, that the 
Island of Callaw^assie, in 1780, was owned by the father of the 
lady of the late General James Hamilton, of South Carolina, 
and it was upon his parol testimony (strengthened since, by 
the testimony of his lady's brother, who was born upon the 
Island,) the admission of the Report was founded. 

Also, the secluded location of the Oketee, as being out of the 
line of military operations, contributed to preserve it from the 
forays of the enemy. Hence, no other property was ever molested, 
in that immediate neighborhood, except that of Major Wigg, 
as far as it has been possible to discover. — W. H. W. 



35 

been considered by the enemy, to demand such condign, and 
instantaneous punishment. 

The records of the Thirty-Second Congress will show that this 
claim, now brought up a second time, was investigated by that 
body, and favorably acted upon. But the payment made 
was at the time considered inadequate, inasmuch as the interest 
was withheld. Hence, the present suit is to recover, either the 
interest, or, in lieu of it, the usu fruct, of the property, for the 
number of years Major Wigg survived, after the date of the loss, 
vv^hich seems to be a most reasonable demand. 

It was the memorable, and somewhat singular, misfortune of 
this claim, at the time of its first appearance before Congress, 
to have its striking features of justice — strict, clear, legal 
justice — eclipsed by the brilliant halo with which the chival- 
rous character of the incidents of the narrative, upon which it 
is founded, encircled it. This probably arose, in some measure, 
from the fact, that the period of its advent was soon after the close 
of the Mexican war, when the Halls of Congress, and the Country, 
were overflowing with men, fresh from the tented fields, bearing 
v.pon their brows the unwithered laurels they had won. Such 
men, heroes themselves, very naturally, were alive to recitals of 
heroism, regardless whether the narrative told of deeds, newly 
consummated in the palaces of the Montezumas, by themselves, 
or ran back to " the times which tried men's souls," when their 
ancestors were the actors. This, though flattering to the claim- 
ant, and gratifying to his feelings in one respect, was, in an- 
other, very irksome to him, for it drew away the attention of 
Congress from the points upon which its attention ought to 
have been concentrated, and expended it in another direction. 

Such unfortunate diversion, inflicted a gross, and a double 
wrong upon him, inasmuch as, on the one hand, it curtailed 
the measure of relief which he feels assured would have been 
meted out to him, under a clearer understanding of the case. 
And upon the other hand, it gave to that measure the ap- 
pearance of a gratuity, bestowed without just warrant of law, 
by generous men, in commemoration of the brilliant achieve- 
ments of one whose inspirations were kindled at the same altar, 
whence came the fires glowing in their own heroic bosoms. 

Under these impressions, coupled with a firm conviction of 
the justice of his claim, the memorialist now solicits of Congress 
a reinvestigation of the whole subject, and desires that the 



36 

same shall be conducted with the most rigid scrutiny, for he 
entertains no fears of the clearness, and conclusiveness, of the 
facts upon which he relies, nor apprehensions of the result, 
when those facts, shall be fully developed, and clearly under- 
stood by Congress. 

Whether success shall attend upon his efforts, or whether 
disappointment only awaits him, is a problem which time alone 
can solve. But be the issue what it may, he hath already a 
recompense, of which he cannot be deprived. It is the know- 
ledge of the fact, that he has rescued from oblivion the memory 
of one who, in his narrow sphere of action, was an hero, 
amongst heroes, in the age of heroism. And beyond this, he 
hath another recompense, of not inferior value. It is the con- 
sciousness of having contributed, with his feeble pen, to vindi- 
cate, in some small measure, the Revolutionary history of his 
native State ; that traduced, but misunderstood — ever honored, 
and ever honorable, Republic ; whose history in time past, and 
time present — in peace, and in war — in paths of virtue, and in 
fields of enterprise, like the unwrought diamond, needs only 
the craftman's hand, to draw forth all of its hidden splendors, 
and perpetuate the blaze forever. 

WILLIAM HAZZARD WIGG, 
Of South Carolina. 
Washington City, January, 1860. 



APPENDIX. 



Mte I— Page 2. 



The following article is from the pen of the venerable Dr. 
Joseph Johnson, of Charleston^ South Carolina, auther of'-'- Un- 
published Traditions of the Revolution." It was j}reparedfor 
a second edition of that work ; and was published in the Charles- 
ton Courier for January .^ 1853 : 

" Major William Hazzard Wigg. — This gentleman was 
a native of the town of Beaufort, and was related to the Barn- 
wells of that district. At the commencement of the American 
Revolution he was very independent in his circumstances, and 
took an active part in support of the patriot cause against the 
aggressions of Great Britain, and bore a commission in the 
militia of the State. Under this commission he served in 
Georgia under General Howe, of North Carolina, when opposed 
to the invasion of the British troops from Florida. On General 
Lincoln's taking command, Wigg served under him, on Savan- 
nah River, and fought under Colonel John Laurens, in the battle 
of Tulifinni, also in that at Steno, and in the siege of Savannah, 
and in that of Charleston. He became a prisoner of war on 
the capitulation of this city, in May, 1780, and remained in it, 
expecting to be exchanged, and then resume his command. 

"On the 4th of August, 1781, Colonel Isaac Hayne, the 
brother-in-law and bosom friend of Major Wigg, having been 
taken in arms, was executed by the joint order of the Comman- 
dant, Colonel Balfour, and of the Commander-in-chief, Lora 
Rawdon, known afterwards as the Earl of Moira. At this un- 
just and unmerciful act. Major Wigg, being much incensed, 
spoke so freely as to provoke the British authorities. He was 
accordingly imprisoned on board the schooner Pack Horse, on 
the 17th of May, and an expedition sent by water to destroy his 
property. They ravaged his two plantations on the Oketee 
river, about one hundred and twenty miles south of Charleston ; 
took from them ninety-six negroes, with all the horses, cattle, 
and other stock — everything, in short, which it was in their 
power to remove. All this was done, in violation of the terms 
under which Charleston capitulated : That the prisoners under 
that capitulation should, when paroled, remain in peaceable 
possession of their property, until exchanged That it was the 
design of the British to make this the peculiar punishment of 
Major Wigg, was demonstrated by the fact, that they left un- 



38 

injured the valuable property on Callawassje Island, which lay 
exactly between the two plantations of Major Wigg, the only 
intervening property between them. 

" When put on board the Pack Horse, Major Wigg was still 
more irritable and disposed to irritate his enemies. As usual in 
large establishments, the food was there cooked in copper 
boilers, which, when kept clean, can be used. Whether the 
copper was not clean, or whether the prisoners were unreason- 
ably apprehensive of danger, we know not ; they certainly 
formed a party, seized the copper boiler, and threw it into the 
river, alleging their belief that 13alfour had provided it for the 
purpose of poisoning them, as the easiest way of getting rid of 
them. 

" The negroes taken from Major Wigg's plantations were 
carried to East Florida and sold in St. Augustine. About 
twenty of them were purchased by Mr. Leavitt, a citizen of 
Georgia, and brought to his plantation in that State. After the 
peace, Major Wigg went for them, into Georgia, identified the 
negroes as his, and claimed them as property illegally taken 
from him by the British, and insisted on their being returned to 
him. Mr. Leavett gave them up, without resistance, and Major 
Wigg retained possession of them as long as he lived. At his 
death, they were inherited by his son, but a suit was commenced 
soon after, in the Federal Court, and decided against him, by 
which he was compelled either to give up the negroes or pay 
the full value for the acknowledged property of his father. As 
this portion of his people had now intermarried with others on 
his plantations, and were attached to his family, they entreated 
that they might not be separated, and he bought them at their 
full valuation. 

" Shortly after Major Wigg's confinement in the Pack Horse, 
General Greene notified Colonel Balfour that he would make 
retaliation for the execution of Colonel Hayne, on the first 
British officer of that rank who should be captured. Balfour 
returned the threat of further retaliation on the prisoners in 
Charleston and at St. Augustine. This notice, having been 
given to the seventy-eight prisoners in the Torbay, and the 
forty in the Pack Horse; they all signed, in alphabetical order, 
the following letter addressed to General Greene, enclosed it to 
the commandant, and requested that he would forward it to the 
General : 

"'We have the honor to enclose the copy of a letter from 

* Colonel Balfour, Commandant of Charleston, which was 
' handed us immediately on our being put on board this ship. 

* The letter speaking for itself, needs no comment; your wisdom 

* will best dictate the notice it merits. We just beg leave to 
' observe, that should it fall to the lot of all, or any of us, to be 

* made victims agreeable to the menaces therein contained, we 



39 

'have only to regret that our blood cannot be disposed of more 
' to the advancement of the glorious cause to which we have 
' adhered.' 

" The firm, unbending spirit manifested by the unanimous 
signature of the prisoners, to this calm, dignified and modest, 
but brave and unfaltering letter, was highly commended through- 
out the United States. Ft was transmitted to Congress by 
General Greene, with Balfour's letter, and both published by 
Congress, in all the American journals of the day. A royalist, 
but little inferior to Colonel Hayne in rank, was captured soon 
after, and the question discussed, whether he should be made 
the victim. It was said at the time that General Marion de- 
cided the other members of the conference by observing, that 
the proposed execution would not affect the British : that the 
retaliation should be on a native of England, as Balfour did not 
care a pin how many Americans cut each other's throats, and 
heightened the prevailing virulence of parties. Colonel Balfour 
found troublesome customers in these obstinate rebel prisoners, 
and wishing to get rid of them, ordered off the Pack Horse to 
New York, that her prisoners might have a better chance of 
being disposed of among the typhus fever inmates of the prison 
ship, in the Wallahach at Long Island, She accordingly sailed 
under the convoy of a man-of-war, with a number of merchant 
vessels. When three days out from Charleston, a little before 
daylight, most of the prisoners having got off their irons, seized 
the arms of those in the morning watch, soon overpowered 
them, battened down the hatches over those in the hold, and 
clothed themselves in the uniform of their prisoners, to avoid 
discovery. This disguise was highly necessary, as at daylight 
the man-of-war was but a quarter of a mile off! Their only 
chance was to continue with the convoy all day, as if nothing 
had happened, change their course at night, and make good 
their escape. This plan succeeded ; they gradually edged off 
from the convoy, but were recalled a little before dark by a gun 
fired and a signal made for the Pack Horse to rejoin the convoy. 
This not being presently executed, the man-of-war backed her 
topsails and lowered a boat, to enforce the order. But they 
were too late ; it was nearly dark ; the Carolinians crowded all 
sail to run the Pack Horse into a port in North Carolina, and 
succeeded in reaching Halifax, from whence they returned home 
by land, and joined the army of General Greene. 

" When Major Wigg landed in North Carolina, he had the 
good fortune to meet with his favorite war horse, that had been 
lost to him at the surrender of Charleston, and taken by the 
British as one of the spoils of war, or of the military equipments, 
but brought into North Carolina by a British transport, that had 
been driven in by stress of weather. This horse was a full 
blooded roan, foaled on his own plantation, or homestead, on 



40 

the 4th of July, 1776, and called Independence, from that cir- 
cumstance. Having been trained with great care and kindness 
by Major Wigg, the animal exhibited remarkable docility and 
instinct on various occasions during the campaigns made under 
his master. It was on his back, on one occasion, that Major 
Wigg, when the bearer of important despatches, swam over 
Port Royal river at the Ferry. It was also on his back that 
the wounded Colonel John Laurens was borne from the disas- 
trous field of Coosahatchie, or Tulifinni as it is sometimes 
called. He survived all the hardships and dangers of the Revo- 
lution, and was cherished as a friend, often tried and never 
found wanting, by Major Wigg to the day of his death. After 
his death, also by the son of Major Wigg, until finally he 
ceased to live in 1807, at the advanced — the extraordinary — 
age of about 31 years. 

" When the British carried off the slaves of Major Wigg in 
1781, three of his most valuable personal attendants were saved, 
they being absent from the plantations when plundered. Of 
these, one was his body servant, named Robin, who was with 
him in the prison ship, and at the capture of the Pack Horse. 
It was from him that many of these particulars are derived, and 
who bore no unimportant part in their transaction. In Moultrie's 
Memoirs, he speaks as if displeased at the little resistance made 
by the militia under Colonel John Laurens at Coosahatchie, and 
reflects upon Colonel Laurens, for not having arranged his men 
under shelter, as might have been done. Laurens was more 
exposed than any of them, and encouraged the men by saying, 
that the enemy fired at his white plume and not at them. To 
Moultrie he answered that he was among the men, in all their 
exposure, but that his mditia could not stand fire. It is very 
doubtful if the result could have been otherwise, under any cir- 
cumstances. His militia had no experience ; they were on a 
retreat, and were opposed to British veterans with their field 
artillery." 

Note. — The writer might have added, that the American 
force consisted of not over two hundred men, while they were 
opposed to four thousand regulars of the enemy and one thous- 
and allies — Indians and Tories. The enemy also fired from 
the houses of the village at the Americans on the opposite side 
of the river, who had neither cover, nor artillery. The object 
was to resist the crossing of the river by the enemy, and to 
have done that effectually, would have required a force, at least 
equal to the enemy. 

In the foregoing narrative it is left to be inferred, that Major 
Wigg was imprisoned on the Pack Horse, in consequence of 
his conduct upon the occasion of the execution of Colonel 
Hayne. Such inference is not correct. He was imprisoned on 
the 17th of May, and the execution took place on the 4th of 



41 

August. The facts are correctly stated in the text of the 
Memoir. His conduct, on the occasion of the execution, was 
punished by the plunder of his property. Again : the Pack 
Horse was not dispatched to New York until after the enemy 
found themselves no longer able to keep her safely in Charles- 
ton, and that was not until the whole State, with the exception 
of Charleston, had been redeemed from their grasp. 

W. H. W. 



Xote 2-^ Page 6. 

The Assembly then sitting immediately broke up, and dele- 
gated " till ten days after the next session, to the Governor, 
John Rutledge, Esq., and such of his Council as he could con- 
veniently consult, a power to do anything for the public good, 
except the taking away of the life of a citizen without ajegal 
trial." Invested with this authority, he immediately ordered 
the militia to rendezvous. Though the necessity was great, 
few obeyed the pressing call. A proclamation was soon after 
issued, " requiring such of the militia as were regularly draught- 
ed, and all the inhabitants of the town, and owners of property 
in the town, to repair to the American standard, and join the 
garrison immediately, under pain of confiscation." This severe, 
though necessary measure, produced very little effect. — Ram- 
say'' s Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, pp. 47-48. 

Also — 

Vested with such authority, Rutledge called out the militia, 
but few displayed their colors. * * The inhabitants of the 
country seemed plunged into a kind of stupor. — Botta's Ameri- 
can WaTf Book xii, page 134. 

Also — 

Though the greatest exertions had been made by the gentle- 
men in power to reinforce the garrison, and to strengthen the 
lines, yet their endeavors were not seconded by the people. No 
more country militia could be brought into the town, and very 
few could be persuaded to embody in the country. — Ramsay^s 
Hist. Rev, in S. C, vol. 2, page 52. 

Also — 

The almost uninterrupted march of General Provost through 
the richest part of South Carolina to the gates of the capital ; 
the conduct of the planters, who, on that occasion, were more 
attentive to secure their property by submission, than to defend 
it by resistance. — Ibid. 

JVbte. — It must be borne in mind, that at this period South 
Carolina was in a very exhausted condition. She had lost 
heavily in the various affairs of Howe's invasion of Florida, of 
4 



42 

the siege of Savannah, and in Lincoln's trial of strength with 
Provost, wherein, upon several occasions, he had suffered very 
severely. Superadded to these causes, the small-pox, which in 
those days was a more terrible scourge than at present, was 
known to be raging in Charleston, and consequently, that par- 
ticular service, to which the railiria were now called was re- 
garded with great and just fears, and doubtless contributed 
largely to their lukewarmness, and supineness. In short, 
such was the condition of the State, at the period of the 
landing of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1780 — taking into considera- 
tion the failure of Congress, and of all of her sister States, to 
aid her by any essential means, to defend her chief city, or any 
portion of her soil, from the invaders, (which condition was 
solely brought about by her lavish, and generous expenditure, of 
both blood, and treasure in behalf of her contiguous sisters,) — 
that she would have been fully justified in an absolute, and un- 
conditional surrender, of her whole territory, to the invaders. — 
W. H. W. 



J^Tote 3— Page 24. 

The numbers, 1781, in the endorsement upon the account 
stated by Mr. Huntt, is evidently a clerical error in said en- 
dorsement, and is intended for 1780. 

It is known of Major Wigg, that he was surrendered a 
prisoner of war, upon the fall of Charleston, on the 12th of 
May, 1780. That he continued such, in the city, until he was 
arrested, and committed to the Pack Horse as an hostage on 
the 17th of May, 1781, and that he remained, in that condition, 
on board of that vessel, until he liberated himself, a short time 
prior to the 1st of March, 1782, when he returned to the State, 
and resumed his duties. 

This resumption of duties, by Major Wigg, on the 1st of 
March, 1782, is the most reliable testimony which exists, as to 
the precise period of the capture of the Pack Horse, for it is 
presumable, that he returned to the State, from North Carolina, 
as early after his landing as possible, and that immediately after 
his return, he resumed his duties : — hence, the capture of that 
vessel, may be stated to have occurred " a short time prior to 
the 1st of March, 1781."— W. H. W. 



Mte 4— Page 31. 

Upwards of eight hundred of these brave men, nearly one- 
third of the whole, exhausted by a variety of sufferings, expired 



43 

in the short space of thirteen months' captivity. When the 
general exchange took place in June, 1781, out of nineteen 
hundred taken at the surrender of Charleston, on the 12th of 
May, 1780, and several hundred more, taken afterwards at 
Camden and at Fishing Creek, on the 16th and 18th of August 
of the same year, there were only seven hundred and forty re- 
stored to the service of their country. — Ramsay^s Hist, of Rev. 
in S. a, vol. 2, page 288-9. 

7INIS. 



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